“A new dichotomy in Irish politics is emerging… we see a wheezing, arrogant political establishment pitted against a progressive, energetic alternative. With Sinn Féin to the fore of that alternative”
Joe Dwyer writes on welcome signs of left co-operation and coordination on the Irish opposition benches.
“I can’t host the show and be in the audience of the show, you know? There has to be a point where you’re on one side or the other.”
So said Patrick Kielty, the host of RTÉ’s flagship The Late Late Show, when interviewing the newly elected Taoiseach Micheál Martin a few weeks ago. For a show that’s renowned for its light tone and amicable chit-chat, the remark was met with sustained applause by the studio audience.
Now, for readers in Britain, this might all sound like a peculiar ovation. Especially as it sounds like a self-evident observation. But for all its simplicity, the talk-show host’s quip to the Taoiseach cut to the very heart of a political row that’s been brewing since the formation of the new Fianna Fáil-Fine Gael government.
In the immediate aftermath of the election of the 34th Dáil, on 29 November 2024, it was soon clear that the right-wing coalition of Fianna Fáil and Fine Gael – with a combined total 86 seats – had the numbers to return to government. While Sinn Féin had sustained a good election campaign and returned a significant mandate of 39 seats, it had ultimately fallen short. This was an election of consolidation and not the great leap forward that some had wished for. There lay no realistic route for Sinn Féin to enter government.
Fianna Fáil and Fine Gael, however, faced just one hurdle on their way to ministerial office; they were just two seats short a majority. Now, every Irish government since June 1981 has been a coalition of one hue or another. But their outgoing coalition ‘mudguard’ – the Irish Green Party – had been nearly wiped out entirely, returning just 1 of their 11 outgoing TDs (the cost of government!)
The Irish Labour Party, a traditional coalition partner down through the years had fought its way back to 11 seats. While, the Social Democrats, a party principally established as a result of Labour’s last stint in government with Fine Gael, also secured 11 seats.
The courtship began almost immediately, with Fianna Fáil’s Micheál Martin, Taoiseach-to-be, making little secret that his preference was for Labour to join the government and prop-up his administration.
However, Labour has played that role once too often. Memories of the swift retreat of the “Spring Tide” and Eamon Gilmore’s implementation of “Frankfurt’s Way” – as opposed to his promised “Labour’s Way” – still loom heavy. Now many times bitten, Labour has finally proved themselves to be sufficiently shy. Their leader, Ivana Bacik, instead insisted that they would only consider entering government if the Social Democrats joined them, something that the Social Democrats had already stated they did not wish to do. It was a proviso that proved to be enough to stymie Martin’s desired coalition.
So, with Labour and the Social Democrats ruling themselves out. And with the Greens obliterated. And with Sinn Féin not even countenanced as an option for the two conservative parties. Fianna Fáil and Fine Gael were left with only one route to power: the Independents.
While Independents were – until relatively recently – a rare phenomenon in British politics; the Irish political landscape has long made a habit of throwing-up local Independent Teachtaí Dála. Often derided as the epitome of parish pump politics, the Independent TD is often dismissed as a pothole politician of little consequence. However, any student of Irish politics will know well that Independents have – on occasion – wielded notable sway over government formation. Perhaps most notably, in 1982, when the left-wing Independent, Tony Gregory, negotiated a government formation deal with Fianna Fáil, that would rejuvenate Dublin’s inner city, and come in at a cost estimated – by some quarters – to be worth £100 million. Or Jackie Healey Rae who signed a ‘confidence-and-supply’ deal with Fianna Fáil, in 2007, in exchange for investment in South Kerry and (reportedly) three seats on state boards to be handed out to his supporters.
The month of December would be dominated by talks, speculation, and horse-trading. Over time, a grouping of eight Independents, led by Michael Lowry TD – constituted as the Regional Independent Group – emerged as the most likely partners for government.
Irish politics has long been populated by gombeen men – wheeler-dealer fixers and shady businessmen – and some would suggest that Michael Lowry is the archetypal gombeen man. A former chair of Fine Gael, he was barred from standing as a party candidate in 1996, following a litany of scandals, tax evasion allegations, and purported financial corruption. Since then, however, he has sat as the Independent TD for Tipperary North. Most notably, following the publication of the Moriarty Report into payments to politicians in 2011, Micheál Martin publicly called on Lowry to resign his seat. Going so far as to brand him as a “rogue politician.”
However, thirteen years later, the rogue had become the kingmaker, and the price for Lowry’s patronage has been costly.
A deal was quickly done to secure one of the Regional Independent’s number, Verona Murphy TD, the role of speaker of the Dáil, or Ceann Comhairle. A role that usually requires sufficient mastery of the Irish language, that – by all accounts – Murphy does not possess, to follow Dáil debates.
Further to this, two Regional Independent TDs, Seán Canney and Noel Grealish, would now attend Cabinet meetings as super-junior ministers. Without the full status of cabinet ministers and without command of a full government department, but with an allowance of €16,000 as a bonus. Meanwhile, their colleagues, Michael Healy Rae TD (son of Jackie), Kevin ‘Boxer’ Moran TD, and Marian Harkin TD would become junior ministers.
To facilitate this deal, legislation was passed to increase the number of Ministers of State from 20 to 23, up from 15 a decade ago. These Independent junior and super-junior ministers would see their salaries boosted by up to €32,535 a year and would now be allowed to retain a travel allowance, which had previously been denied to ministers of state because they got an allowance of €45,846 additionally.
But the most controversial part of the settlement was that the newly elected Ceann Comhairle, Verona Murphy, indicated her willingness to recognise three Regional Independent TDs – Michael Lowry TD, Barry Heneghan TD, and Gillian Toole TD – as being members of an opposition technical group. One that would eat into the opposition’s speaking time and split the Regional Group between government and opposition benches. Thus, Independent TDs – pledged to support the government – would equally receive speaking time to play-act as an opposition and hold the government to account!
As Patrick Kielty summarised, you can’t host the show and be in the audience of the show at the same time.
Consequently, a momentous row took place on January 22 and – for the first time ever in the history of the twenty-six county Irish state – the Dáil failed to elected a Taoiseach; following the united objections and opposition of Sinn Féin, the Labour Party, the Social Democrats, People Before Profit, and other left-wing independents.
Since then, the dispute has rumbled on beneath the surface. On February 3, the Ceann Comhairle finally reversed her initial opinion and has now ruled that the Regional Independent TDs will not receive opposition speaking rights.
However, since then the government has proposed the introduction of “Other Members Questions”, which would afford time for pro-government Independents to question their Taoiseach. In a welcome development, Sinn Féin, the Labour Party, the Social Democrats, People Before Profit, and others have stood united to oppose this abuse of procedure.
A coherent alternative is shaping itself in the face of establishment chicanery. An alternative government in waiting, perhaps?
When taken as a collective opposition, there are over 60 seats occupied by parties who ran on a broadly similar message of change and hope for the future. Hopefully, this collective carries the basis for an alternative to Fianna Fáil and Fine Gael dominance.
A new dichotomy in Irish politics is emerging. The two-pronged electoral juggernaut of Fianna Fáil and Fine Gael, that once dominated the political scene in the twenty-six counties, is well and truly gone. In its place we see a wheezing, arrogant political establishment pitted against a progressive, energetic alternative. With Sinn Féin to the fore of that alternative.
While the last election did not sweep Fianna Fáil and Fine Gael out of power. Neither was there a reversion to one holding office and the other holding the opposition. The status quo has been recast and a new duopoly is firmly established. Albeit – we must recognize – the wrong side still occupies office.
As Rudi Dutschke would observe, ‘the long march through the institutions’ continues at a pace. But, if the opposition parties can maintain this newfound cooperation, it is a path that is becoming increasingly clearer.
- Joe Dwyer is a political organiser for Sinn Feinn
- Join the “Winning Irish Unity this Decade” session at the Socialism or Barbarism in-person day school in London on Saturday March 29. The event features MPs including Richard Burgon and Ian Byrne, campaigner Jess Barnard, Calvin Tucker of the Morning Star, Sinn Fein’s Pat Cullen, socialist economist Michael Roberts and campaigns such as PSC, CND, War On Want, We Own It, the Mexico Solidarity Forum, and Stand up to Racism.
- The day features over 15 sessions of socialist political education. Register and find out more here.
